{"blocks":[{"type":"paragraph","data":{"text":"Japan’s postwar pacifism was born from defeat, occupation, and a collective determination never to repeat the horrors of World War II. "}},{"type":"paragraph","data":{"text":"Nearly eight decades later, however, that same pacifism has hardened into a strategic liability."}},{"type":"paragraph","data":{"text":"Faced with growing belligerence from China, North Korea, and Russia, Japan can no longer afford to outsource its security or treat constitutional ambiguity as a sustainable defense policy."}},{"type":"paragraph","data":{"text":"It is time for Tokyo to rebuild its military forces, reclaim responsibility for its own security, and strengthen alliances to contribute to Asia-Pacific stability."}},{"type":"paragraph","data":{"text":"The country’s conservative new Prime Minister, Sanae Takaichi, may be the right leader to pursue this, which will require amending the constitution and overcoming public resistance to remilitarization."}},{"type":"header","data":{"text":"The Limits of Article 9","level":2}},{"type":"paragraph","data":{"text":"At home, Japan is constrained by Article 9 of its constitution, which renounces the nation’s sovereign right of belligerency — the right to wage war to settle international disputes. "}},{"type":"paragraph","data":{"text":"It specifically forbids the “maintenance of any land, air, or sea forces, or any other war potential.”"}},{"type":"paragraph","data":{"text":"The article came into effect in 1947 as a response to Japan’s wartime aggression. Since then, Japan has relied on the United States, which is treaty-bound to defend it against foreign attack."}},{"type":"paragraph","data":{"text":"Almost 80 years later, the context has changed. Japan is now a trusted international actor and the world’s fifth-largest economy, capable of affording self-defense and contributing meaningfully to regional security."}},{"type":"paragraph","data":{"text":"Japan maintains the Self-Defense Forces (SDF) to protect its sovereignty, while still relying on the US as the primary pillar of its regional defense strategy. "}},{"type":"paragraph","data":{"text":"In the US, President Donald Trump has repeatedly criticized the treaty as “one-sided,” questioning the arrangement’s fairness. In response, Japan committed in 2022 to increase its defense budget from roughly 1 percent of GDP to 2 percent by 2027 and shares the cost of hosting US forces, around $2 billion annually. "}},{"type":"paragraph","data":{"text":"Accountability for its own defense is therefore not a radical notion. Prime Minister Takaichi, who has framed herself as Japan’s “Iron Lady,” has emphasized the necessity of Japan defending itself."}},{"type":"image","data":{"file":{"url":"https://thedefensepost.com/wp-content/uploads/2025/11/AFP__20251118__AR-20251118085732_KINQ1_YONE0203_085732555AA__v1__MidRes__JapanSPmTak.jpg"},"caption":"Japanese Prime Minister Sanae Takaichi arrives at the Prime Minister's Office in Tokyo. Photo: Kaname Yoneyama/AFP"}},{"type":"header","data":{"text":"A Gray-Area Military","level":2}},{"type":"paragraph","data":{"text":"Article 9 leaves Japan in a precarious legal position: the mere existence of its military is treated as a constitutional gray area. Despite the prohibition of “war potential,” Japan has incrementally built the SDF, which is now among the most capable militaries in the world. "}},{"type":"paragraph","data":{"text":"The Liberal Democratic Party has repeatedly reinterpreted Article 9 to allow the SDF to operate defensively, support UN peacekeeping, and take limited action in existential crises. "}},{"type":"paragraph","data":{"text":"Takaichi has indicated her intent to revise Article 9 again, including the possibility of a “quasi-security alliance” with Taiwan. "}},{"type":"paragraph","data":{"text":"Rather than continuing incremental reinterpretation, Japan should repeal or amend Article 9 to formally recognize the SDF as a military force capable of responding to modern threats. "}},{"type":"paragraph","data":{"text":"Doing so would clarify defense policy and improve public understanding."}},{"type":"header","data":{"text":"Rising Regional Threats","level":2}},{"type":"paragraph","data":{"text":"Article 9 also hinders the establishment of broader collective defense agreements, contributing to an Asia-Pacific security imbalance. "}},{"type":"paragraph","data":{"text":"While the majority of Japanese public opinion supports pacifism, a growing segment (34 percent) favors strengthening ties with South Korea in response to regional threats."}},{"type":"paragraph","data":{"text":"Those concerns are justified. "}},{"type":"paragraph","data":{"text":"Russia and China are expanding their naval forces. China expects 435 ships by 2030, and Russia is pursuing a major modernization program. North Korea continues ballistic missile testing over Japanese waters. "}},{"type":"paragraph","data":{"text":"All three countries have strengthened defense ties with one another, creating what some analysts call a new “Axis of Upheaval.” "}},{"type":"paragraph","data":{"text":"Provocative actions in the Taiwan Strait, the Senkaku Islands, and the Kuril Islands underscore the increasing assertiveness of Japan’s neighbors. "}},{"type":"paragraph","data":{"text":"To counter these threats, Japan must be able to act militarily without legal ambiguity."}},{"type":"image","data":{"file":{"url":"https://thedefensepost.com/wp-content/uploads/2025/05/Screenshot-2025-05-07-211134-1024x680.jpg"},"caption":"The Japan Air Self-Defense Force's F-35 Lightning II aircraft. Photo: Scott Swofford/US Department of Defense"}},{"type":"header","data":{"text":"Time for a Clear Strategy","level":2}},{"type":"paragraph","data":{"text":"Escalating aggression in the region threatens not only Japan but the broader Asia-Pacific."}},{"type":"paragraph","data":{"text":"Repealing Article 9 would enable Japan to fully participate in collective defense measures, paving the way for partnerships with South Korea, Australia, and potentially India. "}},{"type":"paragraph","data":{"text":"It would also address US concerns about the alliance being “one-sided,” allowing Japan to support operations worldwide and stand as a more equal partner in its own defense."}},{"type":"paragraph","data":{"text":"Japan has been fortunate that tensions have not escalated into open conflict, but relying on luck is no strategy. "}},{"type":"paragraph","data":{"text":"Article 9 served its purpose in the aftermath of war, but today it constrains a capable nation facing growing threats."}},{"type":"paragraph","data":{"text":"Japan should move beyond this constitutional relic and reclaim its full rights as a sovereign state."}},{"type":"delimiter","data":{}},{"type":"image","data":{"file":{"url":"https://thedefensepost.com/wp-content/uploads/2026/01/Adam-Shusterman-736x1024.png"},"caption":""}},{"type":"paragraph","data":{"text":"Adam Shusterman is a Doctoral Candidate at Missouri State University's School of Defense and Strategic Studies, specializing in the US-East Asian security balance and cyber warfare."}},{"type":"delimiter","data":{}},{"type":"paragraph","data":{"text":"The views and opinions expressed here are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the editorial position of The Defense Post."}},{"type":"paragraph","data":{"text":"The Defense Post aims to publish a wide range of high-quality opinion and analysis from a diverse array of people – do you want to send us yours? Click here to submit an op-ed."}}]}

Adam Shusterman

Japan’s Pacifist Illusion: Why Article 9 No Longer Works